The Immorality Of Nuclear Deterrence Essay Research — страница 4

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certainly supports none of those things. Nuclear weapons are disproportionate because there is nothing that legitimizes such massive destruction, and because there is nothing that allows for the loss of innocent life to justify nuclear weapons use. The just war tradition assumes that in order for a war to be fought, the means by which that war is won must be justified. The Church does not feel that the use of nuclear weapons is ever justified, and therefore neither is deterrence, except if it is used as a stepping stone to something else. The Church s position is very clear on this matter No use of nuclear weapons which would violate the principles of discrimination or proportionality may be intended in a strategy of deterrence. The moral demands of Catholic teaching require

resolute willingness not to intend or to do moral evil to save our own lives or the lives of those we love (Peacetalk 13). It should be noted that most of the arguments to this point as to the immorality of deterrence are of a deontological nature. Unfortunately, a full evaluation of the merits of deontology cannot be made in these pages. Suffice to say that deontology is a very defensible position, and one can easily be convinced of its merits in turning to the works of John Rawls, Immanual Kant, and numerous other writers. However, all purely deontological assessments aside, nuclear deterrence is still immoral, even if one chooses a utilitarian calculus. The nuclear risk in the world stems from one of two things from an American standpoint. Either the United States is attacked

by another nation or another nation attacks a different nation. And, there are arguments as to why U.S. nuclear deterrence increases or decreases that risk. What most do not evaluate, especially in the United States, is that no U.S. deterrence would mean that the risk is exactly zero that the United States would kill massive amounts of people with its nuclear capacity because of accidents, retaliatory action, or first strikes. Whether or not U.S. deterrence means that other countries are slightly more or less likely to fight given no U.S. deterrence is overwhelmed by the reduction of U.S. launch risk factor to zero. This is especially compelling considering that the United States s the only nation who has ever used nuclear weapons (Lackey 157-158). The final action that must be

taken is clear. Nuclear deterrence must be ended. This rejection of this grossly immoral policy exists on two levels, that of personal advocation and that of state action. Rejection on the individual level takes simple forms. As Lee again argues, each one of us has the ability to live our lives and believe that the doctrine of nuclear deterrence is wrong, and to not be willing to use it in any way, shape, or form. He continues what is required is the instilling of habits of thought and action that would insure that they (nuclear weapons) would not be used, because their use would not be seriously entertained (327). This crying out about nuclear doctrine is a moral obligation. Lawrence writes again: If the passive acceptance of nuclear deterrence continues this will show that we

have handed the future control of our intentions and actions to the state. We will have surrendered the right – as autonomous beings – to make a moral choice (129). There is no conceivable way that there is a justification to give up our ability to make choices. That is also morally reprehensible. Also, deterrence is evil and we have every obligation to reject evil, simply because it is evil. Fighting evil is a thing which all can do, and it helps one to appreciate basic human freedom, and often results in an ending of the evil. In no way is this a bad thing (Gordon 209-210). A rejection of deterrence means a rejection of the use of the most force as possible. The Catholic Church is in support of this idea, and their advocation is that we would rethink, because We cannot have

peace with hate in our hearts (Peacetalk 1). We can all live our lives and not assume that might makes right and not think that if we have a problem that violence is the automatic solution. These actions send the signal to the government that we are no longer going to accept the nuclear deterrence mindset, that we will no longer allow ourselves to be hostages, and that we refuse to hold them. We will no longer allow for the ever-present risk of nuclear annihilation. This personal advocation posture simply says that we will no longer take it. The final solution is that the nations of the world disarm their nuclear weapons, and that they do it in a verifiable way. This is the advocation of the Catholic Church, and the advocation of each of the authors above. There is a consensus of