The Battle For Campaign Agenda In Britain — страница 6

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Gordon Brown, the press secretary Alastair Campbell, the pollster Philip Gould, Blair’s personal assistant Anji Hunter, Lord Irvine of Lairg and Jonathan Powell. The interior circle was surrounded by about 200 staffers connecting via fax, modem and pagers to key shadow spokespersons and candidates out in the marginal constituencies, to keep the party ‘on-message’. Briefings were sent out nightly, sometimes twice a day. The Labour party designed their communications strategy down to the smallest detail, with a rebuttal unit (and the Excalibur programme) under the direction of Adrian McMenamin, ready for a rapid response to anticipated attacks. After 1992 Labour realised that elections are not usually won or lost in the official campaign, and they subsequently designed their

strategy for the long-haul. Labour renewed their interest in constituency campaigns, although local contests became increasingly professionalised by strategic targeting of key voters under the guidance of Millbank Tower. For two years before polling day a Labour task force was designed to switch 5000 voters in each of 90 target marginals. Those identified as potential Labour coverts in these seats were contacted by teams of volunteers on the doorstep, and by a canvassing operation run from twenty telephone banks around the country, coordinated from Millbank during the campaign. In January 1997 get out the vote letters were sent to each type of target voter, and young people received a video of Tony Blair17. Candidates in marginals were each asked to contact at least 1,000

switchers. Information from the canvassing operation, especially issues of concern raised by voters, was also fed back to Philip Gould, to help shape Labour’s presentations. Opinion polling was carried out regularly from late 1993, and Philip Gould and Deborah Mattinson conducted a programme of focus group research to monitor reaction to Labour’s policies. Strategy meetings were conducted almost daily from late 1994, tackling Labour’s weaknesses on taxation, trade unions, and crime well before the official campaign came close. The manifesto, New Labour: Because Britain Deserves Better was designed to focus on five specific pledges: cutting class sizes for under seven year-olds; fast-track punishments for persistent young offenders; reducing NHS waiting lists; moving 250,000

young unemployed into work; and cutting VAT on heating. By launching the draft manifesto New Labour, new life for Britain as a dry run a year earlier, Labour had ample opportunity to iron out any pledges which proved unduly controversial. The main theme of Labour’s advertising was “Britain Deserves Better”, fairly bland and safe, if unmemorable. To press home the message, Tony Blair visited 60 constituencies, travelling about 10,000 miles by road, rail and air, and providing controlled photo-opportunities rather than press conferences for the media. The membership drive launched by Blair was also part of this long-term strategy, increasing grassroots membership by almost two-thirds, up from 261,000 in 1991 to 420,000 by the time of the election18. This achievement was in

stark contrast to Conservative party membership which has fallen, perhaps by half, to an estimated 350,000 to 400,000, from 1992-9719. Lastly Labour’s assiduous courting of the city, including launching the special business manifesto, was all part of this careful planning to anticipate and batten down any lines of potential weakness. In contrast Conservative Central office more often appeared to be knocked off message by events out of their control, with the topics planned for press conferences torn up at the last minute. The campaign was led by the party chairman, Brian Malwhinney, the deputy leader Michael Heseltine, Danny Finkelstein, head of Tory party research, and advised by Lord Saatchi, although up to twenty people attended strategy meetings, each with different

priorities. During the long campaign the Conservatives seemed unable to decide whether the most effective strategy was to attack Old Labour (the party of trade unions and taxes) or New Labour (the party of ’smarmy’, ‘phony’ and untrustworthy Blair). Tory briefings, and posters, veered back and forth uncertainly 20. Their most effective slogans were probably “Britain is Booming – Don’t let Labour Blow it”, or “New Labour, New Danger”, but their advertising was generally regarded as unconvincing (indeed their ‘Tony and Bill’ poster was widely believed to be a Labour advertisement). Labour suffered a wobbly day or two in early-April, over privatisation of the air traffic control service, with contradictory messages coming from Blair and Prescott. There were