Analysis Of US Foreign Policy With Russia — страница 5

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exclusionary and dismissive policies that have been emphasized too much in the course of the 1990’s (Cohen). In a more detailed setup, there are certain things in which U.S. must include if they were to have a new policy. To regain trust from Russia, the U.S. should cease threatening to build an antiballistic missile system, which would be a part of the ABM treaty in response to their willingness, in some respect, in disarming their own missiles. The U.S. should not be hypocritical in allowing the Energy Department design new nuclear weapons while trying to disengages those of the Russians at the same time. The Clinton administration should regard Russia as an influential Eurasian power. Since Russia still has considerable influence as one of the old world powers. They would

not feel like they have been alienated against (Cohen). By “internationalizing” Russia on the basis of consistent principles of human rights and non-aggression, the U.S. would avoid a division into spheres of influence and preserve the capacity to challenge Russia on human rights violations (in Chechnya, for example). U.S. should encourage governance and rule of law (Cohen). In the economic realm, the U.S. should stop pouring money into the black hole of Russian privatization. It should target the revitalization of Russian industry and allow Russia to nurture these industries, where necessary, with sensible trade policies. The Defense Demilitarization Enterprise Fund is a critical tool for helping convert Russia’s military industries into productive enterprises. Like OPIC,

however, these funds should concentrate less on profits for U.S. businesses and consultants and more on rebuilding Russia’s industrial capacity. Particular attention should be paid to defense conversion at the local and regional levels. But the U.S. must seriously undertake a program of conversion at home, or Russian demilitarization will appear unfairly unilateral. Additionally, the Clinton administration must not base its support for Russian reform on a single political actor-the Yeltsin camp. The U.S. should adhere to principles, not parties, in its dealings with other countries. Washington has supported several excellent projects that strengthen Russia’s civil society, such as funding Inter-news independent television and training an independent judiciary. By putting more

money into these projects, the U.S. can better promote a pluralist politics that will long outlive Boris Yeltsin (Feffer). To reiterate what has already been over- emphasized, the Clinton administration must not lobby the IMF on behalf of Russia. More money is not what Russia needs. At best the money will be wasted; at worst, it could be abused by a future anti-Western leadership. Instead, President Clinton should take the lead in ensuring that all aid to Russia is conditioned on the adoption of free-market and democratic reforms (Cohen). Instead of increasing tax collections and reducing government, the Russians have to try to rebuild production and distribution (Wedel). The U.S. economic advisors should not encourage the Chubias Clan to put things through economic reform

without the approval of the Russian Duma, Russia’s popularly elected legislature. When providing economic and financial aid to Russia, the United States president, U.S. officials, and economic advisors should address information with a wide range of Russian politicians and activists so that more views that represent the people can be heard. If the U.S. follows these recommendations mentioned, warm relations will soon to come with Russia (Wallander). The policy for Russia should address four main points. The government must reduce the threat of mass destruction weapons toward the U.S., to support human rights and democracy, to support Russia’s transition into a market-based economy, and to help Russia become integrated into the Euro-Atlantic and global communities. To help the

Russian economic growth and development, the U.S. has to turn around its current policies in Russia. The new policies must also realize that the Russian future depends on the people and their principles like democracy and rule of law. The U.S. government should also realize that Russia has to try to pull itself out its financial crisis; however, the U.S. should try to help with these problems (Wedel). The U.S. should use its influence in the IMF and World Bank to reduce pressures on Russia. The United States can not guarantee that democracy will work well in Russia, but the United should be doing enough to help them in this transition. Better relations with Russia will only benefit the U.S. itself (Wallander). In spite of many difficulties, there remains hope that the initial